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| dc.contributor.advisor | Cinque, Guglielmo | |
| dc.contributor.author | Tescari Neto, Aquiles <1983> | it_IT |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2013-11-16T08:50:26Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2013-05-02 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3078 | |
| dc.description.abstract | Questo studio si occupa della salita del verbo in portoghese brasiliano. L'approccio teorico assunto è quello Cartografico (Cinque 1999). Siccome la tradizione generativista considera che gli avverbi e i quantificatori fluttuanti sarebbero un test diagnostico per la salita del V, il punto di partenza di questa indagine è quello di verificarne la validità in vista delle strutture funzionali più ricche della Cartografia. Si suggerisce che gli avverbi detti 'bassi' possono essere usati come dei test diagnostici affidabili per la salita del V, considerato il fatto che, anche in inglese, il verbo deve scavalcare alcune delle posizioni più basse. Avverbi 'alti' e i quantificatori fluttuanti universali non sono dei criteri diagnostici affidabili data la loro posizione nella gerarchia ed il processo di assegnazione di 'scope' (Kayne 1998) a loro. La tesi suggerisce, da un punto di vista cartografico, che in portoghese brasiliano V si sposta ad una posizione mediale della frase. | it_IT |
| dc.description.abstract | This thesis investigates the issue of Verbal raising in Brazilian Portuguese, from a Cartographic perspective, mainly based on Cinque (1999). Since adverbs and floating quantifiers have been traditionally taken as diagnostics for V-movement, the starting point of this investigation is to test the validity of such diagnostics from a Cartographic lens. This is achieved on the basis of Romance and English. It is suggested that 'lower ('left-edge') adverbs' are reliable diagnostics for V-raising, given the fact that, even in English, the V must raise past (some of) them. It is also explained why 'higher adverbs' and Universal Floating Quantifiers are not (reliable) diagnostics, on the basis of their position of Merge in the Cinque Hierarchy and the assignment of scope to them (à la Kayne 1998). The thesis suggests, from a Cartographic perspective, that Brazilian Portuguese has Verbal Raising which is limited to a medial projection in the clause, namely, T-Anterior. | it_IT |
| dc.description.abstract | Este trabalho investiga o movimento do verbo em português brasileiro. Assume-se a proposta cartográfica de Cinque (1999 e trabalhos sucessivos). Visto que a tradição gerativista tem considerado os advérbios e os quantificadores flutuantes como diagnósticos para a subida do verbo, o ponto de partida deste estudo consiste na verificação da validade desses testes, haja vista as estruturas funcionais enriquecidas que caracterizam as representações cartográficas. Sugere-se que os advérbios 'baixos' podem ser utilizados como diagnósticos confiáveis para o movimento de V, visto que, mesmo em inglês, o verbo deve mover-se a uma posição baixa de IP. Advérbios 'altos' e quantificadores flutuantes universais não são diagnósticos confiáveis, dada a sua posição na hierarquia e o processo que lhes atribui escopo (Kayne 1998). Sugere-se que V se move a uma posição medial da sentença em português brasileiro. | it_IT |
| dc.language.iso | eng | it_IT |
| dc.publisher | Università Ca' Foscari Venezia | it |
| dc.rights | © Aquiles Tescari Neto, 2013 | it_IT |
| dc.title | On verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese : a cartographic study | it_IT |
| dc.title.alternative | Sobre o movimento do verbo em português brasileiro : um estudo cartográfico | it_IT |
| dc.type | Doctoral Thesis | en |
| dc.degree.name | Scienze del linguaggio | it_IT |
| dc.degree.level | Dottorato di ricerca | it |
| dc.degree.grantor | Scuola di dottorato in Scienze del linguaggio, della cognizione e della formazione | it_IT |
| dc.description.academicyear | 2013 | it_IT |
| dc.description.cycle | 24 | it_IT |
| dc.degree.coordinator | Giorgi, Alessandra | |
| dc.location.shelfmark | D001287 | it |
| dc.location | Venezia, Archivio Università Ca' Foscari, Tesi Dottorato | it |
| dc.rights.accessrights | openAccess | it_IT |
| dc.thesis.matricno | 955686 | it_IT |
| dc.format.pagenumber | 388 p. | it_IT |
| dc.subject.miur | L-LIN/01 GLOTTOLOGIA E LINGUISTICA | it_IT |
| dc.description.tableofcontent | Index Acknowledgments 4 Chapter 1: Introduction 19 Chapter 2: Theoretical Background 24 1. The Cartography Project: A brief introduction 24 2. The philosophy of the Cartography Project 26 3. The Cinque Hierarchy 28 4. Which categories are projected? 31 5. The left-right asymmetry (Cinque 1996, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2010a,b, 2011) 32 6. Cinque’s left-right asymmetry and the derivation of a BP sentence 39 7. Case assignment/checking/matching and the Cinque Hierarchy 49 7.1 VSO order and monosyllabic adverbs in European Portuguese 51 7.2 The residual VS(XP) order in BP 53 7.3 The VXS order in Italian 55 8. What are the “triggers” for movements? 57 9. Cartography and Minimalism 58 10. Previous accounts on Verb Raising in BP 60 11. Conclusion 65 Chapter 3: On Generalizing Kayne’s (1998) Theory of Scope Assignment to Adverbs 67 1. Introduction 67 2. Kayne’s theory of scope-assignment: only overt movements 68 3. Wide Scope and Narrow Scope: from the matrix/embedded pair to root clauses 69 4. Being or not being a probe (in Kayne’s 1998 proposal) 75 5. The “size” of the scope 89 6. Extending Kayne’s theory to adverbs: Criterial Freezing and the Cinque Hierarchy 91 7. Which adverbs are focus-sensitive? 99 8. Conclusion 104 Chapter 4: ‘Lower’ Adverbs as Diagnostics for Verb Movement 105 1. Introduction 105 2. On VP movement in the ‘Lower zone’ of the clause 108 2.1. On the ‘obligatory’ raising of V 109 2.2. On ‘optional’ movement 132 3. Medial adverbs and V-to-I raising 140 4. V raising, the impoverishment of the verbal paradigm and the weakening of Tense: some conjectures 142 5. VP-ellipsis: A Way to Diagnose V-to-I in Portuguese 150 6. Conclusions 155 Appendix: On the uses of sempre in Portuguese 157 1. Sempre in European Portuguese (EP) 157 2. Sempre in BP 158 3. Structural factors and the interpretation of sempre 159 4. The nature of the object 160 5. Temporal/aspectual sempre in BP/EP 161 5.1. Temporal/aspectual reading of ‘sempre’ (correlation of events and 162 pattern of behavior) 5.1.1 Pre-verbal sempre 162 5.1.2 Post-verbal (aspectual/temporal) sempre 163 5.2. Additional evidence for the two aspectual/temporal readings 165 6. The confirmatory sempre in EP 166 7. Speech Act (‘pragmatic’) sempre (only in EP) 166 8. Sempre in the literature 168 8.1 Sempre: a head or a phrase? 172 9. Towards a Cartographic analysis of sempre 181 9.1 On deriving the different readings in EP and the aspectual/temporal 181 readings in BP 10. Sempre in European Portuguese 185 10.1 The aspectual/temporal interpretation 185 10.2 The confirmative reading of sempre in EP 191 10.3. The Speech Act reading in EP 195 11. Sempre in BP (only temporal/aspectual) 195 11.1 Pre-verbal sempre: the correlation of events reading 195 11.2. Post-verbal sempre: the ‘pattern of behavior’ reading 196 12. Concluding remarks 197 Chapter 5: Adverbs and the Syntax of Scope-assignment: The Puzzling 199 Distribution of Higher Adverbs (and other (lower/medial) AdvPs) 1. Introduction: The puzzling distribution of ‘higher’ adverbs 200 1.1. The organization of this chapter 209 2. Do we really need the label “sentence adverbs”? 210 3. Higher adverbs at play: back to some puzzling distributional facts 213 4. Aspectual/time-related adverbs and the two ‘generable’ zones within the IP 244 5. Back to VP-ellipsis in Portuguese: in defense of Kayne’s 259 theory of scope assignment and its generalization to all adverbs 6. More on the Correspondence Hypothesis 261 7. Back to higher adverbs: how do they interact with 270 V-movement and auxiliaries in Brazilian Portuguese 8. Conclusion 279 Appendix – On the merger of the auxiliaries 281 Chapter 6: Floating Quantifiers as Scope-inducing Elements: 284 Where do they Merge? Are they Real Diagnostics for Verb Raising? 1. Introduction 285 2. Two main approaches to the Syntax of ‘Floating Quantification’ 287 2.1 The Stranding Theory 287 2.1.1 Some advantages of the Stranding Approach 289 2.1.2 Some drawbacks of the Stranding Approach 290 2.1.3. No Advantage for the Stranding Approach 294 2.2. The Adverbial Theory of floating quantification 298 2.2.1. The Internal Structure of (universal) FQs 302 2.2.2 What do I mean by using the label “The Adverbial Theory”? 305 3. On the Distribution of universal FQ all and AdvPs 306 3.1 The surface position of AdvPs and universal FQs relative to V 310 3.2. The surface position of universal FQs relative to Adverbs 313 4. Why is Universal FQ all a scope-inducing element? 322 5. The interaction of FQ all and ambiguous adverbs 323 6. Universal FQ todos in Brazilian Portuguese 330 6.1. Why is BP floating quantifier todos not of help (from a Cartographic 330 point of view)? 6.2 Why is universal FQ todos forbidden sentence-finally? 332 6.3. On the Placement of Universal Floating Quantifier todos in the ‘middle’ 340 of the Sentence 6.4. An additional puzzle for the Stranding Analysis 346 6.5 Conclusion 351 Appendix 1: Agreement on Adverbial FQs 353 Appendix 2: Back to the derivation of (75) 356 Chapter 7: Conclusion 367 References 372 Estratto 391 Abstract 391 Resumo em Português 392 Figures Chapter 2: Fig. 2.1: A unique configuration for the base order 36 Fig. 2.2: The derivation of (22): the Merge of V and its arguments 40 Fig. 2.3: The derivation of (22): Movement of the theme DP for Case reasons 41 Fig. 2.4: Remnant movement to the left of the object (I) 42 Fig. 2.5: Movement of the Agent-DP to [Spec,NominativeCase°] 43 Fig. 2.6: Remnant-movement to the left of NominativeCaseP (I) 43 Fig. 2.7: Remnant-movement to the left of NominativeCaseP (II) 43 Fig. 2.8: V-movement pied-piping the object 44 Fig. 2.9: ModEpistemicP in English: Spec and head filled 45 Fig. 2.10: ModEpistemicP in English (II) 46 Fig. 2.11: V(P)-movement pied-piping the object 46 Fig. 2.12: On deriving (25) 47 Fig. 2.13: Merging the auxiliary 49 Fig. 2.14: On deriving (35a) 55 Fig. 2.15: On deriving (36c) 57 Chapter 3: Fig. 3.1: Wide Scope in English 74 Fig. 3.2: The Derivation of (20a): part I 79 Fig. 3.3 The derivation of (20): part II 79 Chapter 4: Fig. 4.1: The lower portion of the extended projection of V 109 Fig. 4.2: The derivation of (3): The Merge of the arguments and 111 VP-movement around them Fig. 4.3: The derivation of (3): movement of banana to check case and 111 remnant-movement Fig. 4.4: The derivation of (3): movement of O Mané to check case and 112 remnant movement Fig. 4.5: The derivation of (3): movement of V plus object 112 Fig. 4.6: The derivation of (16a) 121 Fig. 4.7: The derivation of (16a) after the raising of the remnant 121 Fig. 4.8: The derivation of (18a): part I 123 Fig. 4.9: The derivation of (18a): part II 124 Fig. 4.10: The derivation of (18a): part III 124 Fig. 4.11: The derivation of (19) 126 Fig. 4.12: The derivation of (23a) and the ‘first part’ of the derivation of (23b) 128 Fig. 4.13: The second part of the derivation of (23b) 129 Fig. 4.14: The derivation of (27a): part I 131 Fig. 4.15: The derivation of (27a): part II 131 Fig. 4.16: The derivation of (42) 141 Appendix Fig. 1: The structure of the Clause in Portuguese in Ambar et al. (2004) 169 Fig. 2 : Cinque’s IP space and the Spec positions where ‘sempre’ can be 184 merged in Portuguese Fig. 3: The Confirmatory Reading 194 Chapter 5: Fig. 5.1: On deriving the narrow scope reading of (4) 216 Fig. 5.2: The derivation of the Wide Scope reading for the AdvP 221 in (4): English gloss Fig. 5.3: The derivation of B’s turn in (7): part I 227 Fig. 5.4: The derivation of B’s turn in (7): part II 228 Fig. 5.5: The derivation of B’s turn in (9): part I 229 Fig. 5.6: The derivation of B’s turn in (9): part II 229 Fig. 5.7: The derivation of (23a): part I 233 Fig. 5.8: The derivation of (23a): part II 234 Fig. 5.9: The derivation of (23b) 235 Fig. 5.10: The derivation (25a): part I 237 Fig. 5.11: The derivation of (25a): part II 238 Fig. 5.12: The derivation of (25b) 239 Fig. 5.13: The derivation (39b): part I 256 Fig. 5.14: The derivation of (39b): part II 257 Fig. 5.15: The derivation of (45a, 46a) 262 Fig. 5.16: The narrow scope reading of (45b, 46b) 263 Fig. 5.17: the derivation of the wide scope reading in (45b, 46b) 264 Fig. 5.18: Building (55) – I 272 Fig. 5.19: Building (55) – II 272 Fig. 5.20: Building (55) – III 273 Fig. 5.21: Building (55) – IV 273 Fig. 5.22: Building (55) – V 274 Fig. 5.23: Building (55) – VI 275 Fig. 5.24: Building (55) – VII 275 Fig. 5.25: Building (55) – VIII 276 Fig. 5.26: Building (55) – IX 276 Fig. 5.27: The derivation of (55a), part I 277 Fig. 5.28: The derivation of (55a), part II 277 Fig. 5.29: The derivation of (55b-d) 278 Chapter 6 Fig. 6.1: The derivation of (37a): part I 318 Fig. 6.2: The derivation of (37a): part II 319 Fig. 6.3: The derivation of (37b) 320 Fig. 6.4: The derivation of (58a): the manner reading 326 Fig. 6.5: The derivation of (58a): the modal reading of easily, part I 327 Fig. 6.6: The derivation of (58a): the modal reading of easily, part II 328 Fig. 6.7: The derivation of the modal reading of easily in (58b) 329 Fig. 6.8: The derivation of (65): first part 337 Fig. 6.9: Why the derivation of (65) crashes 337 Fig. 6.10: On deriving (70b) 343 Fig. 6.11: The derivation of (70c,d) in the order todos + participle 344 Fig. 6.12: The derivation of (75) 350 Appendix: Fig. 6.13: Merge of the arguments and the adjunct of (75) 358 Fig. 6.14: Movement of the DPTheme for Case reasons 359 Fig. 6.15: Remnant movement 359 Fig. 6.16: Raising of the Agent-DP to the Specifier of the Nominative 360 Case-assigning head Fig. 6.17: Remnant movement 361 Fig. 6.18: Merge of com, P’ and remnant movement 362 Fig. 6.19: Configuration after remnant-movement 363 Fig. 6.20: Extraction of comeram lagosta (I) 363 Fig. 6.21: Extraction of comeram lagosta (II) 364 Fig. 6.22: Movement of the subject to [Spec,SubjP] 364 Fig. 6.12: The derivation of (75) 365 Tables Chapter 4: Table 4.1: On the obligatory raising of V in the ‘lower zone’ of the IP 132 Table 4.2: From ‘optional’ to ‘forbidden’ raising of V 133 Table 4.3: Pronominal and Inflectional Paradigms in the History of BP 143 Appendix: Table: Temporal sempre (‘always’) in BP and EP 162 Chapter 6: Table 6.1: The position of adverbs/FQ all relative to V and 300 auxiliaries (from Fitzpatrick 2006: 43) Table 6.1: The distribution of AdvPs and FQ all in English (Fitzpatrick 2006: 43) 312 Table 6.2: The distribution of the epistemic adverb provavelmente and FQ todos in BP 345 Table 6.3: The distribution of the epistemic AdvP probablement and the FQ tous 346 Symbols ACC – Accusative Case INF – infinitival form of V DAT – Dative Case DO – direct object 1/2/3.S (first, second or third person singular) IO – indirect object 1/2/3.PLU (first, second or third person plural) CL – clitic PRES – Present IND – indicative PAST – Past Tense GER – gerund FUT – Future Tense | it_IT |
| dc.identifier.bibliographiccitation | Tescari Neto, Aquiles. "On verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese : a cartographic study". PhD Dissertation, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013 | it_IT |
