Abstract:
The end of this study is to assess the effectiveness of the latest EU’s foreign policy tool towards the eastern Europe post-soviet states, with a closer look to the case of the Republic of Armenia. In the first part, which is dedicated to the European Neighbourhood Policy (first chapter) and to the Eastern Partnership (second chapter), I examine the evolution of the European policies towards the six post-soviet republics of the eastern dimension, addressing a particular attention to the Southern Caucasus region. Subsequently, the focus is placed on the origins, the main contents and the operative structure launched with the Prague Declaration in 2009, following a discourse that will attempt to answer to some basic questions that could help understanding the actual potential of the Eastern Partnership final outcome, such as the drawbacks affecting both the bilateral and multilateral tracks of the initiative and that could backpedal the process of European region-building in the area concerned, as wall as the coordination with the Black Sea Synergy project and all the shortcomings connected with the regional competition between the Russian and European spheres of influence. Eventually, I will try to take stock of the overall situation with the purpose of working out the proper conclusions and observations. In the second part of this work, instead, the analysis will move on to consider the specific case of Armenia as to give a comprehensive overview of the main peculiarities of this newly independent country (third chapter), such as: (1) the unsolved question of the frozen conflict between Armenia and Azerbaigian for the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave; (2) the development of the Armenian national economy from the first days of independence to the present problems in the context of the global economical crisis; (3) the challenges the Armenian republic have been facing in the field of energy security through the last twenty years; (4) the evolution of the inner political system of the country and the unaccomplished democratic transition, giving also a closer look to the latest presidential (march 2008) and parliamentary elections (may 2012); (5) the shortcomings of the national mass-media and communication sectors; and, finally, (6) a closer look to the political and economical role played by the Armenian Diaspora in the motherland. In a distinct section I will examine, then, the major aspects of the foreign policy pursued by the Republic of Armenia (fourth chapter) and the degree of diplomatic relations enjoyed with both the neighboring states (Turkey, Georgia and Iran) and the former Cold-War-powers (Russia and the United States) in order to illustrate how and through which means Armenia has attempted to put its complementary doctrine from theory to practice, as well as the positive or negative consequences the latter has been able to attain. In the last resort, the focus of my study will be placed on the chief characteristics of the bilateral relations come in to being between Erevan and Brussels (fifth chapter) as to succinctly inspect both the inner perception of Armenia towards the EU’s policies in the region as well as the true colors of the real necessities that the Armenian republic hopes satisfying through an enhanced cooperation with the European Union, such as, for example, the overriding need in finding a final resolution to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute and to the perseverant and pernicious embargo set by Turkey and Azerbaigian against Armenia since 1993. In the last pages, eventually, and starting with the due considerations taken from the overall excursus I will try to answer to the ultimate question, that is: will the Eastern Partnership initiative and the same European Union soft-power policies be able to offer proper solutions to the so difficult and burdensome case of the Republic of Armenia?